{ "id": "95-1013", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "RS", "number": "95-1013", "active": true, "source": "CRSReports.Congress.gov, EveryCRSReport.com, University of North Texas Libraries Government Documents Department", "versions": [ { "source_dir": "crsreports.congress.gov", "title": "Bahrain: Issues for U.S. Policy", "retrieved": "2024-04-20T04:03:59.214667", "id": "95-1013_184_2024-03-12", "formats": [ { "filename": "files/2024-03-12_95-1013_f4805e93e4c09a45f995a8d3ea57fc91747595f4.pdf", "format": "PDF", "url": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/95-1013/184", "sha1": "f4805e93e4c09a45f995a8d3ea57fc91747595f4" }, { "format": "HTML", "filename": "files/2024-03-12_95-1013_f4805e93e4c09a45f995a8d3ea57fc91747595f4.html" } ], "date": "2024-03-12", "summary": null, "source": "CRSReports.Congress.gov", "typeId": "RS", "active": true, "sourceLink": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/details?prodcode=95-1013", "type": "CRS Report" }, { "source_dir": "crsreports.congress.gov", "title": "Bahrain: Issues for U.S. Policy", "retrieved": "2024-04-20T04:03:59.213514", "id": "95-1013_182_2023-03-24", "formats": [ { "filename": "files/2023-03-24_95-1013_e7f8357039ec41c0714a4d55258603fc672fbab5.pdf", "format": "PDF", "url": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/95-1013/182", "sha1": "e7f8357039ec41c0714a4d55258603fc672fbab5" }, { "format": "HTML", "filename": "files/2023-03-24_95-1013_e7f8357039ec41c0714a4d55258603fc672fbab5.html" } ], "date": "2023-03-24", "summary": null, "source": "CRSReports.Congress.gov", "typeId": "RS", "active": true, "sourceLink": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/details?prodcode=95-1013", "type": "CRS Report" }, { "source_dir": "crsreports.congress.gov", "title": "Bahrain: Issues for U.S. Policy", "retrieved": "2024-04-20T04:03:59.212485", "id": "95-1013_180_2022-03-10", "formats": [ { "filename": "files/2022-03-10_95-1013_60e911bb8cf382ff6bbe282efcf3630ea2207ddd.pdf", "format": "PDF", "url": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/95-1013/180", "sha1": "60e911bb8cf382ff6bbe282efcf3630ea2207ddd" }, { "format": "HTML", "filename": "files/2022-03-10_95-1013_60e911bb8cf382ff6bbe282efcf3630ea2207ddd.html" } ], "date": "2022-03-10", "summary": null, "source": "CRSReports.Congress.gov", "typeId": "RS", "active": true, "sourceLink": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/details?prodcode=95-1013", "type": "CRS Report" }, { "source_dir": "crsreports.congress.gov", "title": "Bahrain: Issues for U.S. Policy", "retrieved": "2024-04-20T04:03:59.211485", "id": "95-1013_179_2021-04-20", "formats": [ { "filename": "files/2021-04-20_95-1013_521945016bb30de9b86f2c70c1af5eaa5a1ae3f5.pdf", "format": "PDF", "url": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/95-1013/179", "sha1": "521945016bb30de9b86f2c70c1af5eaa5a1ae3f5" }, { "format": "HTML", "filename": "files/2021-04-20_95-1013_521945016bb30de9b86f2c70c1af5eaa5a1ae3f5.html" } ], "date": "2021-04-20", "summary": null, "source": "CRSReports.Congress.gov", "typeId": "RS", "active": true, "sourceLink": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/details?prodcode=95-1013", "type": "CRS Report" }, { "source_dir": "crsreports.congress.gov", "title": "Bahrain: Issues for U.S. Policy", "retrieved": "2024-04-20T04:03:59.208848", "id": "95-1013_175_2020-09-25", "formats": [ { "filename": "files/2020-09-25_95-1013_c714f97d6de8c3a887e27d79ec3afaaf1c5feee9.pdf", "format": "PDF", "url": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/95-1013/175", "sha1": "c714f97d6de8c3a887e27d79ec3afaaf1c5feee9" }, { "format": "HTML", "filename": "files/2020-09-25_95-1013_c714f97d6de8c3a887e27d79ec3afaaf1c5feee9.html" } ], "date": "2020-09-25", "summary": null, "source": "CRSReports.Congress.gov", "typeId": "RS", "active": true, "sourceLink": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/details?prodcode=95-1013", "type": "CRS Report" }, { "source_dir": "crsreports.congress.gov", "title": "Bahrain: Issues for U.S. Policy", "retrieved": "2024-04-20T04:03:59.206652", "id": "95-1013_171_2020-06-26", "formats": [ { "filename": "files/2020-06-26_95-1013_84ade98025b19b36648b348adae81fb1cd6524a0.pdf", "format": "PDF", "url": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/95-1013/171", "sha1": "84ade98025b19b36648b348adae81fb1cd6524a0" }, { "format": "HTML", "filename": "files/2020-06-26_95-1013_84ade98025b19b36648b348adae81fb1cd6524a0.html" } ], "date": "2020-06-26", "summary": null, "source": "CRSReports.Congress.gov", "typeId": "RS", "active": true, "sourceLink": "https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/details?prodcode=95-1013", "type": "CRS Report" }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 617935, "date": "2020-02-24", "retrieved": "2020-02-26T23:02:00.640451", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "A 2011 uprising by a mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime of Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family has subsided, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The uprising did not achieve its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. Elections for the lower house of a legislative body, last held in 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have conducted some attacks on security officials.\nThe government\u2019s repression presents a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain is designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally.\u201d There are nearly 5,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain, which relies on U.S.-made arms. Because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, both the Obama and Trump Administrations curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, and to that end has lifted the previous Administration\u2019s conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. In 2019, Bahrain joined and agreed to headquarter a U.S.-led maritime mission (International Maritime Security Construct, IMSC) to protect shipping in the Gulf from further Iranian attacks. Bahrain also supports a U.S.-backed concept for an Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance.\u201d Critics of U.S. policy assert that the Administration is downplaying human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year. Bahrain has expressed support for the Trump Administration\u2019s Israeli-Palestinian peace plan that was unveiled in January 2020. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has not succeeded in significantly improving the living standards of the Shia majority. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "299e8731e9cdb01d2bd66ba55925dbdbd663fc69", "filename": "files/20200224_95-1013_299e8731e9cdb01d2bd66ba55925dbdbd663fc69.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20200224_95-1013_images_54e951eb65991711296f54962ff0fa63b526e94d.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "643ff15111a5b7f714d382c62d11ab4e00a38841", "filename": "files/20200224_95-1013_643ff15111a5b7f714d382c62d11ab4e00a38841.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 608048, "date": "2019-11-07", "retrieved": "2019-12-13T15:28:05.878677", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "A 2011 uprising by a mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime of Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family has subsided, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The uprising did not achieve its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. Elections for the lower house of a legislative body, held most recently in 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have conducted some attacks on security officials.\nThe government\u2019s repression of its opponents has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, both the Obama and Trump Administrations curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, and to that end has lifted the previous Administration\u2019s conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. In 2019, Bahrain has joined and made its facilities available as the headquarters for a U.S.-led maritime mission (International Maritime Security Construct, IMSC) to protect shipping in the Gulf from further Iranian attacks. Bahrain also supports a U.S.-backed concept for an Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance,\u201d and it Critics of the policy assert that the Administration is downplaying human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year.\nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has not succeeded in significantly improving the living standards of the Shia majority. The unrest has, in turn, strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away foreign investment. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "777365a32e8421693d8aa4daf821dedaa4f9d6c0", "filename": "files/20191107_95-1013_777365a32e8421693d8aa4daf821dedaa4f9d6c0.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20191107_95-1013_images_54e951eb65991711296f54962ff0fa63b526e94d.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "8ca8baa814a929536702992a951e10bbcd1643fd", "filename": "files/20191107_95-1013_8ca8baa814a929536702992a951e10bbcd1643fd.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 603943, "date": "2019-08-20", "retrieved": "2019-08-22T22:20:41.622767", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "A 2011 uprising by a mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime of Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family has subsided, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The uprising did not achieve its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. Elections for the lower house of a legislative body, held most recently in 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have conducted some attacks on security officials.\nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression of its opponents has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the both the Obama and Trump Administrations curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership on that issue. In keeping with that approach, the Administration lifted the previous administration\u2019s conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. Critics of the policy assert that the Administration is downplaying human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. Administration officials also note that, in 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year. Bahrain supports a U.S.-backed concept for an Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance.\u201d\nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has not succeeded in significantly improving the living standards of the Shia majority. The unrest has, in turn, strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away foreign investment. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "40659f41bb19ce38aef5938577078227bfd6504f", "filename": "files/20190820_95-1013_40659f41bb19ce38aef5938577078227bfd6504f.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20190820_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "318cd5c97b1fc99d10927409f3ba7b5dd0875c92", "filename": "files/20190820_95-1013_318cd5c97b1fc99d10927409f3ba7b5dd0875c92.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 598723, "date": "2019-05-23", "retrieved": "2019-05-23T22:08:06.986744", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has subsided, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently in 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories, but observers praised the newly elected lower house of the Assembly for naming a woman as its speaker. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have conducted some attacks on security officials.\nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year. Bahrain supports a U.S.-backed concept for a broad Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance.\u201d \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership on that issue. In keeping with that approach, the Administration lifted the previous administration\u2019s conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. Critics of the policy assert that the Administration is downplaying human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has not succeeded in significantly improving the living standards of the Shia majority. The unrest has, in turn, strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away foreign investment. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "c01384ffa79c83874f76e462a4360439ed68a6ce", "filename": "files/20190523_95-1013_c01384ffa79c83874f76e462a4360439ed68a6ce.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20190523_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "f14dbaf994538a4c5e14d5a75e78a3f66c4ec56d", "filename": "files/20190523_95-1013_f14dbaf994538a4c5e14d5a75e78a3f66c4ec56d.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 590680, "date": "2019-02-05", "retrieved": "2019-04-17T14:23:04.939750", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for attacks on security officials. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently during November 24-December 1, 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories, but observers praised the newly elected lower house of the Assembly for naming a woman as its speaker. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year, and has expressed willingness to join a U.S.-backed concept for a broad Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance.\u201d \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership on that issue. In keeping with that approach, the Administration lifted conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. Critics of the policy assert that the Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shia majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain, compounding the effect of a decline in oil prices from 2014 levels. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "e7f27ed4156275673a13f788bf969bea514e9ec1", "filename": "files/20190205_95-1013_e7f27ed4156275673a13f788bf969bea514e9ec1.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20190205_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "https://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "f3049800e228975900a0dad2d48ebfe18cb12dd4", "filename": "files/20190205_95-1013_f3049800e228975900a0dad2d48ebfe18cb12dd4.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 588182, "date": "2018-12-04", "retrieved": "2018-12-06T14:22:35.063582", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks on security officials. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently during November 24-December 1, 2018, have been marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year, and has expressed willingness to join a U.S.-backed concept for a broad Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance.\u201d \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership on that issue. In keeping with that approach, the Administration lifted conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. Critics of the policy assert that the Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain, compounding the effect of a decline in oil prices from 2014 levels. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "b2fbe9e8f08c8ad815643a6434cab80f6c27d91f", "filename": "files/20181204_95-1013_b2fbe9e8f08c8ad815643a6434cab80f6c27d91f.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20181204_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "26ddd98566ef2d7ff47603f684041ac281e5c827", "filename": "files/20181204_95-1013_26ddd98566ef2d7ff47603f684041ac281e5c827.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 588131, "date": "2018-12-03", "retrieved": "2018-12-04T14:06:35.121882", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks on security officials. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently during November 24-December 1, 2018, have been marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year, and has expressed willingness to join a U.S.-backed concept for a broad Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance.\u201d \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership on that issue. In keeping with that approach, the Administration lifted conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. Critics of the policy assert that the Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain, compounding the effect of a decline in oil prices from 2014 levels. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "f5662aba010535cc5996adbfe49d3a817c68ba8c", "filename": "files/20181203_95-1013_f5662aba010535cc5996adbfe49d3a817c68ba8c.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20181203_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "e8a6011de4e5f787f860b9e868c95e2005745f07", "filename": "files/20181203_95-1013_e8a6011de4e5f787f860b9e868c95e2005745f07.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 587953, "date": "2018-11-27", "retrieved": "2018-11-28T14:45:05.481601", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks on security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year, and has expressed willingness to join a U.S.-backed concept for a broad Arab coalition to counter Iran, the \u201cMiddle East Strategic Alliance.\u201d \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership on that issue. In keeping with that approach, the Administration lifted conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. Critics of the policy assert that the Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain, compounding the effect of a decline in oil prices from 2014 levels. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "fb4b09c1e3ebc06ba2cb6ec907378375b6ba9653", "filename": "files/20181127_95-1013_fb4b09c1e3ebc06ba2cb6ec907378375b6ba9653.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20181127_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "75dc78280f683f95a014591680ab02ad85a94dd9", "filename": "files/20181127_95-1013_75dc78280f683f95a014591680ab02ad85a94dd9.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 586296, "date": "2018-10-11", "retrieved": "2018-10-15T13:41:27.974092", "title": "Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks on security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. In 2014, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year, and has expressed willingness to join a U.S.-backed concept for a broad Arab coalition to counter Iran (Middle East Strategic Alliance). \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership on that issue. In keeping with that approach, the Administration lifted conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain. The policy shift has prompted Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. In March 2015, it joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements, accusing Qatar of hosting Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain, compounding the effect of the decline in oil prices during 2014-2018. In October 2018, three GCC states assembled an aid package of $10 billion to reduce the strain on Bahrain\u2019s budget. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "3cb31291d8c03894a6e50416abe0de1d4b14a27c", "filename": "files/20181011_95-1013_3cb31291d8c03894a6e50416abe0de1d4b14a27c.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20181011_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "68131aea210b955604e8b9ec3ebeefaa3fa2ceeb", "filename": "files/20181011_95-1013_68131aea210b955604e8b9ec3ebeefaa3fa2ceeb.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 583717, "date": "2018-08-09", "retrieved": "2018-08-13T13:06:11.615330", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake at least some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have stockpiled increasingly sophisticated weaponry and have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks on security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at a naval headquarters site. Bahrain has relied on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations. In 2014, perhaps in part to mitigate the differences with the United States, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the group\u2019s fighters in Syria that year. \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration more closely than was the Obama Administration with Bahrain\u2019s leadership. The Administration echoes Bahraini leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain and lifted conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military. The policy shift has prompted Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain generally supports Saudi policies. It has joined the Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. Bahrain has accused Qatar of hosting some Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. Bahrain\u2019s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa did not attend the December 5, 2017, GCC summit in Kuwait, which was abbreviated because of this rift. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the decline in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use, although a major new oil and gas discovery off Bahrain\u2019s coast was reported in early 2018. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "ac533f137302164b894d540e557afd6910633d5c", "filename": "files/20180809_95-1013_ac533f137302164b894d540e557afd6910633d5c.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20180809_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "ae6bad204895e0481c45dcdfecbf1617e820fe69", "filename": "files/20180809_95-1013_ae6bad204895e0481c45dcdfecbf1617e820fe69.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 581795, "date": "2018-06-05", "retrieved": "2018-06-12T14:08:05.405221", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but incarceration of oppositionist and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake at least some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have stockpiled increasingly sophisticated weaponry and have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks on security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at a naval headquarters site. Bahrain has relied on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. In 2014, perhaps in part to mitigate the differences with the United States, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the organization in Syria that year. \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration more closely than was the Obama Administration with Bahrain\u2019s leadership. The Administration echoes Bahraini leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain and lifted conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain\u2019s military. The policy shift has prompted Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain has staunchly supported Saudi policies. It has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. Bahrain has accused Qatar of hosting some Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. Bahrain\u2019s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa did not attend the December 5, 2017, GCC summit in Kuwait, which was abbreviated and unproductive because of this rift, although Bahrain\u2019s foreign minister did attend the meeting. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "942632d105a4f885e2039ff957f7f13416971dbe", "filename": "files/20180605_95-1013_942632d105a4f885e2039ff957f7f13416971dbe.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20180605_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "9c5d49e64ff85d83bd1ac10b2620815d8bd6343d", "filename": "files/20180605_95-1013_9c5d49e64ff85d83bd1ac10b2620815d8bd6343d.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 578475, "date": "2018-02-15", "retrieved": "2018-05-10T11:25:50.196305", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and periodic small demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, possibly backed by Iran, reportedly are stockpiling increasingly sophisticated weaponry and have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at a naval headquarters site. Bahrain has relied on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. In 2014, perhaps in part to mitigate the differences with the United States, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the organization in Syria that year. \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration more closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership than was the Obama Administration. The Administration has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain and lifted conditionality on some major arms sales, particularly the sale of additional F-16 combat aircraft. The policy shift has prompted Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain has staunchly supported Saudi policies. It has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. Bahrain has accused Qatar of hosting some Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. Bahrain\u2019s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa did not attend the December 5, 2017, GCC summit in Kuwait, which was abbreviated and unproductive because of this rift, although Bahrain\u2019s foreign minister did attend the meeting. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "c8d52ede08f26d4264f90c5d950736114f263911", "filename": "files/20180215_95-1013_c8d52ede08f26d4264f90c5d950736114f263911.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20180215_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "2596edd0e0f26dcf6403d933ab0201198c7eb94b", "filename": "files/20180215_95-1013_2596edd0e0f26dcf6403d933ab0201198c7eb94b.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 578433, "date": "2018-02-14", "retrieved": "2018-02-15T14:10:12.944708", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "An uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and periodic small demonstrations continue. The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, possibly backed by Iran, reportedly are stockpiling increasingly sophisticated weaponry and have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at a naval headquarters site. Bahrain has relied on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. In 2014, perhaps in part to mitigate the differences with the United States, Bahrain joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and flew strikes against the organization in Syria that year. \nThe Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration more closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership than was the Obama Administration. The Administration has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain and lifted conditionality on some major arms sales, particularly the sale of additional F-16 combat aircraft. The policy shift has prompted Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is ignoring human rights concerns in the interests of countering Iran. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain has staunchly supported Saudi policies. It has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. Bahrain has accused Qatar of hosting some Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. Bahrain\u2019s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa did not attend the December 5, 2017, GCC summit in Kuwait, which was abbreviated and unproductive because of this rift, although Bahrain\u2019s foreign minister did attend the meeting. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "c242840a2c6afa683a97c3304cc6f71739f5a27a", "filename": "files/20180214_95-1013_c242840a2c6afa683a97c3304cc6f71739f5a27a.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20180214_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "4fb940dd52277cede51818c7163542a7870ea780", "filename": "files/20180214_95-1013_4fb940dd52277cede51818c7163542a7870ea780.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 576520, "date": "2017-12-07", "retrieved": "2017-12-14T14:22:27.546448", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "The uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, possibly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at a naval headquarters site. Bahrain has relied on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. \nIn its policy toward Bahrain, the Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration more closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership than was the Obama Administration. The Administration has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain and that Iran is expanding its regional influence to the detriment of the United States and its allies. The Trump Administration has lifted conditionality on some major arms sales, particularly the sale of additional F-16 combat aircraft, prompting Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is ignoring human rights concerns. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain has staunchly supported Saudi policies. It has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Bahrain flew strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria in 2014, but it apparently did not provide join Saudi Arabia or Qatar in providing weapons to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. Bahrain has accused Qatar of hosting some Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran. Bahrain\u2019s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa did not attend the December 5, 2017, GCC summit in Kuwait, which was clouded by this ongoing rift, although Bahrain\u2019s top diplomat did attend the meeting. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "cc4523352121138419d29bf4330c2ba9cb50737e", "filename": "files/20171207_95-1013_cc4523352121138419d29bf4330c2ba9cb50737e.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20171207_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "6592c5625b766814f880ab214436c31f032e07eb", "filename": "files/20171207_95-1013_6592c5625b766814f880ab214436c31f032e07eb.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 573655, "date": "2017-09-29", "retrieved": "2017-10-04T13:53:54.152978", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "The uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, possibly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at a naval headquarters site. Bahrain has relied on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government\u2019s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. \nIn its policy toward Bahrain, the Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, aligning the Administration more closely with Bahrain\u2019s leadership than was the Obama Administration. The Administration has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain and that Iran is expanding its regional influence to the detriment of the United States and its allies. The Trump Administration has lifted conditionality on some major arms sales, particularly the sale of additional F-16 combat aircraft, prompting Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is ignoring human rights concerns. \nWithin the Gulf Cooperation Council alliance (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain has staunchly supported Saudi policies. It has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Bahrain flew strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria in 2014, but it apparently did not provide join Saudi Arabia or Qatar in providing weapons to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. Bahrain has accused Qatar of hosting some Bahraini dissidents and of allying with Iran.\nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "9b64be0bce50570fe5a21e2ab2611f69b60561cb", "filename": "files/20170929_95-1013_9b64be0bce50570fe5a21e2ab2611f69b60561cb.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20170929_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "c48f911e7ea2f2db6ec0ce8b5b3d5cbe6688d633", "filename": "files/20170929_95-1013_c48f911e7ea2f2db6ec0ce8b5b3d5cbe6688d633.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 463117, "date": "2017-08-07", "retrieved": "2017-08-22T13:33:40.588418", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "The uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, possibly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the continually expanding naval headquarters site. Bahrain has flown strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but it has not provided weapons to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. Apparently to address the use of force against the uprising, the Obama Administration conditioned or blocked new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. \nThe Trump Administration\u2019s stance on Iran comports closely with that of Bahrain\u2019s leadership, which has repeatedly asserted that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions. Bahrain expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that have been articulated by President Trump and by the other Gulf states\u2014that sanctions relief has contributed to Iran\u2019s expansion of its regional influence. However, as part of a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) consensus, Bahraini leaders have publicly supported the JCPOA as precluding Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The Trump Administration has lifted conditionality on some major arms sales, particularly the sale of additional F-16 combat aircraft, prompting Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is sacrificing human rights concerns to focus on countering Iran. \nWithin the GCC (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain has been a staunch supporter of Saudi policies and proposals. It has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "7a433873f7679354c9fbb16cbe8d39de5d25e3e3", "filename": "files/20170807_95-1013_7a433873f7679354c9fbb16cbe8d39de5d25e3e3.html", "images": { "/products/Getimages/?directory=RS/html/95-1013_files&id=/0.png": "files/20170807_95-1013_images_b887453f85e85c422e49051329e80f05b002ba7f.png" } }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "862568099538e1a2bbfe5036b25ec6c027560731", "filename": "files/20170807_95-1013_862568099538e1a2bbfe5036b25ec6c027560731.pdf", "images": {} } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 462098, "date": "2017-06-19", "retrieved": "2017-06-26T15:54:02.747572", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "The uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The vast bulk of the opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, possibly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1946; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 8,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the continually expanding naval headquarters site. Bahrain has flown strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but it has not provided weapons to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. Apparently to address the use of force against the uprising, the Obama Administration conditioned or blocked new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. \nThe Trump Administration\u2019s stance on Iran comports closely with that of Bahrain\u2019s leadership, which has repeatedly asserted that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions. Bahrain expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that have been articulated by President Trump and by the other Gulf states\u2014that sanctions relief has contributed to Iran\u2019s expansion of its regional influence. However, as part of a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) consensus, Bahraini leaders have publicly supported the JCPOA as precluding Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The Trump Administration has lifted conditionality on some major arms sales, particularly the sale of additional F-16 combat aircraft, prompting Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is sacrificing human rights concerns to focus on countering Iran. \nWithin the GCC (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman), Bahrain has been a staunch supporter of Saudi policies and proposals. It has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. In June 2017, it joined a Saudi and UAE move to isolate Qatar for its purported support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamist movements. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "5fd4b3276e2433f227bdec622f1a525fbbe4e793", "filename": "files/20170619_95-1013_5fd4b3276e2433f227bdec622f1a525fbbe4e793.html", "images": null }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "ab4e50dc6619778493fdd3eb799bd97b6168798b", "filename": "files/20170619_95-1013_ab4e50dc6619778493fdd3eb799bd97b6168798b.pdf", "images": null } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 460449, "date": "2017-04-13", "retrieved": "2017-04-17T18:22:01.955643", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "The uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake modest reforms. The vast bulk of the opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small, underground factions, possibly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the Obama Administration because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1946; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 8,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the continually expanding naval headquarters site. Apparently to address the use of force against the uprising, the Obama Administration conditioned or blocked new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. \nThe Trump Administration\u2019s stance on Iran comports closely with that of Bahrain\u2019s leadership, which has repeatedly asserted that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions. Bahrain expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that have been articulated by President Trump and by the other Gulf states\u2014that sanctions relief has contributed to Iran\u2019s expansion of its regional influence. However, as part of a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) consensus, Bahraini leaders have publicly expressed support for the JCPOA as precluding Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The Trump Administration has lifted conditionality on some major arms sales, particularly the sale of additional F-16 combat aircraft, prompting Bahrain opposition criticism that the new Administration is sacrificing human rights concerns to focus on countering Iran. \nElsewhere within the region, Bahrain has supported Saudi proposals for increased political unity among the GCC countries (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) and has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Bahrain has flown strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but not in Iraq. Bahrain has not provided material support to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "e0952859e16bb1e9a02814ef1413c63877c4f12c", "filename": "files/20170413_95-1013_e0952859e16bb1e9a02814ef1413c63877c4f12c.html", "images": null }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "adde23569fc0dc84d3c187e05468d8b8bc71865a", "filename": "files/20170413_95-1013_adde23569fc0dc84d3c187e05468d8b8bc71865a.pdf", "images": null } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 458986, "date": "2017-02-14", "retrieved": "2017-02-17T20:46:17.160568", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "The uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. Reflecting some radicalization of the opposition, underground factions have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the Obama Administration because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1946; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 8,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the continually expanding naval headquarters site. Apparently to address the use of force against the uprising, the Obama Administration limited new weapons sales to Bahrain to only those weapons systems that are tailored for external defense, and sharply curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. Bahrain\u2019s opposition asserts that the United States is downplaying regime abuses in order to protect the security relationship. \nThe Trump Administration\u2019s stance on Iran comports closely with that of Bahrain\u2019s leadership. Bahrain\u2019s leaders have repeatedly asserted, with corroboration from some U.S. official reports, that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions, although the vast bulk of the Bahrain opposition has deep roots in Bahrain and no external backing. Bahrain expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that most of the other Gulf states have\u2014that sanctions relief has enabled Iran to expand its regional influence. However, as part of a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) consensus, Bahraini leaders have publicly expressed support for the JCPOA as precluding Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The Obama Administration made the sale of additional F-16 aircraft to Bahrain contingent on human rights improvements in the country, but the Trump Administration\u2014perhaps as part of its articulated policy to counter Iran\u2019s regional influence\u2014reportedly will drop that condition and complete the sale soon. \nElsewhere within the region, Bahrain has supported a Saudi concept of increased political unity among the GCC countries (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) and has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Bahrain has flown strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but not in Iraq. Bahrain has not provided material support to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "6204ab9d7240f7b36edb0e8bdc4a08b554da6de1", "filename": "files/20170214_95-1013_6204ab9d7240f7b36edb0e8bdc4a08b554da6de1.html", "images": null }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "c8d68ae3b3b3bdc30eacb68b199852d8e75ad61f", "filename": "files/20170214_95-1013_c8d68ae3b3b3bdc30eacb68b199852d8e75ad61f.pdf", "images": null } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 456760, "date": "2016-10-28", "retrieved": "2016-11-01T21:00:26.393859", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "Outward signs of the uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, have diminished, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some reforms, at least in part to avoid international isolation. Reflecting some radicalization of the opposition, underground factions, some of which are reportedly supported by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the Obama Administration because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1946; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 8,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the continually expanding naval headquarters site. Apparently to address the use of force against protesters, since 2011, Administration policy has been to sell to Bahrain only those weapons systems that are tailored only for external defense, such as maritime patrol and surveillance equipment, and to restrict U.S. assistance to Bahrain\u2019s internal security organizations led by the Ministry of Interior. Bahrain\u2019s opposition asserts that the United States is downplaying regime abuses in order to protect the security relationship.\nBahraini leaders assert that their primary foreign policy concern is Iran. Bahraini leaders, with corroboration from U.S. official reports, accuse Iran of providing material support to violent opposition factions. Bahrain has expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that most of the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) countries have: that the JCPOA provides Iran with substantial sanctions relief that will further Iran\u2019s efforts to expand its regional influence. However, as part of a GCC consensus, Bahraini leaders have publicly expressed support for the JCPOA as a means to preclude Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Bahrain has supported a Saudi concept of increased political unity among the GCC countries and has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Bahrain has flown strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but not in Iraq. Bahrain has not provided material support to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "9ec0fd899fa951f578fc33c3a02d2e8d15199824", "filename": "files/20161028_95-1013_9ec0fd899fa951f578fc33c3a02d2e8d15199824.html", "images": null }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "3a6fde71c7c248ff325c777858c50339f8dfc2c9", "filename": "files/20161028_95-1013_3a6fde71c7c248ff325c777858c50339f8dfc2c9.pdf", "images": null } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 455406, "date": "2016-08-29", "retrieved": "2016-10-17T19:32:33.809124", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "Outward signs of the uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, have diminished, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some reforms, at least in part to avoid international isolation. Reflecting some radicalization of the opposition, underground factions, some of which might be backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the Obama Administration because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1946; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 8,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the continually expanding naval headquarters site. Apparently to address the use of force against protesters, since 2011, Administration policy has been to sell to Bahrain weapons systems that are tailored only for external defense, such as maritime patrol and surveillance equipment, and to reduce Bahrain\u2019s Foreign Military Financing (FMF) assistance. Bahrain\u2019s opposition asserts that the United States is downplaying regime abuses in order to protect the security relationship.\nBahraini leaders assert that their primary foreign policy concern is Iran. Bahraini leaders, with corroboration from U.S. official reports, accuse Iran of providing material support to violent opposition factions. Bahrain has expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that most of the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) countries have: that the JCPOA provides Iran with substantial sanctions relief that will further Iran\u2019s efforts to expand its regional influence. However, as part of a GCC consensus, Bahrain publicly supports the JCPOA as a means to preclude Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Bahrain has supported a Saudi concept of increased political unity among the GCC countries and has joined Saudi Arabia-led military action to try to restore the government of Yemen that was ousted by Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Bahrain has flown strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but not in Iraq. Bahrain has not provided material support to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. \nBahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain\u2014an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "946e9769dc9aee4533f49afe4019a1d5dd718da7", "filename": "files/20160829_95-1013_946e9769dc9aee4533f49afe4019a1d5dd718da7.html", "images": null }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "e01abb7e98176796704204f80547f21053967784", "filename": "files/20160829_95-1013_e01abb7e98176796704204f80547f21053967784.pdf", "images": null } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 4758, "name": "Middle East & North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 453423, "date": "2016-06-14", "retrieved": "2016-06-21T21:01:39.167819", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "Outward signs of the uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, have diminished, but continued incarceration of dissident leaders, opposition boycotts of elections, and small demonstrations counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some relatively minor political reforms. Perhaps reflecting some radicalization of the opposition, underground factions have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the Obama Administration because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1946; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 8,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the naval headquarters site, which has been consistently expanded. Apparently to address the use of force against protesters, in 2011 the Administration held up sales to Bahrain of arms that could be used for internal security purposes, and has reduced Bahrain\u2019s Foreign Military Financing (FMF) assistance. The hold was lifted on June 29, 2015, coincident with U.S. efforts to reassure the Gulf states of U.S. support in conjunction with a comprehensive nuclear deal with Iran. Bahrain\u2019s opposition asserts that the United States is downplaying regime abuses in order to protect the security relationship.\nBahraini leaders assert that their primary foreign policy concern is Iran. Bahraini leaders, with corroboration from U.S. official reports, accuse Iran for providing material support to opposition factions in Bahrain that have used violence. Bahrain has expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that most of the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) countries have: that the JCPOA provides Iran with substantial sanctions relief that will further Iran\u2019s efforts to expand its regional influence. However, as part of a GCC consensus, Bahrain publicly supports the JCPOA as a means to preclude Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Bahrain has supported a Saudi concept of increased political unity among the GCC countries and has joined Saudi Arabia/GCC military action to try to achieve a favorable outcome in Yemen. As have several other GCC states, Bahrain has participated in U.S.-led air strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but not in Iraq. Bahrain has apparently not provided material support to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. \nFueling Shiite unrest is the fact that Bahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain \u2013 an effect compounded by the fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "807989b17bc392eef434f461464f529ed7587616", "filename": "files/20160614_95-1013_807989b17bc392eef434f461464f529ed7587616.html", "images": null }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "ded4b48a2af24cece7cea1d73d68fbce65d460f4", "filename": "files/20160614_95-1013_ded4b48a2af24cece7cea1d73d68fbce65d460f4.pdf", "images": null } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 282, "name": "Middle East and North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "EveryCRSReport.com", "id": 450950, "date": "2016-03-18", "retrieved": "2016-03-24T16:51:32.830492", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "Outward signs of the uprising against Bahrain\u2019s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, have diminished, but continued smaller demonstrations, opposition boycotts of elections, and incarceration of dissident leaders counter government assertions that Bahrain has \u201creturned to normal.\u201d The mostly Shiite opposition has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some relatively minor political reforms. Perhaps reflecting some radicalization of the opposition, over the past few years underground factions have claimed responsibility for bombings and other attacks primarily against security officials. \nThe Bahrain government\u2019s use of repression against the dissent has presented a policy dilemma for the Obama Administration because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted the U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf region since 1946; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a \u201cmajor non-NATO ally\u201d in 2002. There are over 8,000 U.S. forces in Bahrain, mostly located at the naval headquarters site, which has been consistently expanded. Apparently to address the use of force against protesters, in 2011 the Administration held up sales to Bahrain of arms that could be used for internal security purposes, and has reduced Bahrain\u2019s Foreign Military Financing (FMF) assistance. The hold was lifted in June 2015, coincident with U.S. efforts to reassure the Gulf states of U.S. support in conjunction with a comprehensive nuclear deal with Iran. Bahrain\u2019s opposition asserts that the United States is downplaying regime abuses in order to protect the security relationship.\nBahrain\u2019s primary foreign policy concern has been Iran. Bahraini leaders, with some corroboration from U.S. officials, blame Iran for providing material support to opposition factions in Bahrain that have used violence. Bahrain has expressed the same concerns about the Iran nuclear agreement (\u201cJoint Comprehensive Plan of Action,\u201d JCPOA) that most of the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) countries have: that the JCPOA provides Iran with substantial sanctions relief that will further Iran\u2019s efforts to expand its regional influence. However, as part of a GCC consensus, Bahrain publicly supports the JCPOA as a means to preclude Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Bahrain has supported a Saudi concept of increased political unity among the GCC countries and has joined Saudi Arabia/GCC military action to try to achieve a favorable outcome in Yemen. Unlike several other GCC states, Bahrain has apparently not provided material support to groups fighting President Bashar Al Assad in Syria. Bahrain has participated in U.S.-led air strikes against the Islamic State organization in Syria, but not in Iraq. \nFueling Shiite unrest is the fact that Bahrain has fewer financial resources than do most of the other GCC states and has always had difficulty improving the living standards of the Shiite majority. The unrest has, in turn, further strained Bahrain\u2019s economy by driving away potential foreign investment in Bahrain \u2013 an effect compounded by the sharp fall in oil prices since mid-2014. Bahrain\u2019s small oil exports emanate primarily from an oil field in Saudi Arabia that the Saudi government has set aside for Bahrain\u2019s use. In 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement (FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169). Some U.S. labor organizations assert that Bahrain\u2019s arrests of dissenting workers should void the FTA.", "type": "CRS Report", "typeId": "REPORTS", "active": true, "formats": [ { "format": "HTML", "encoding": "utf-8", "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/95-1013", "sha1": "9ffcb451278c657d5ff307731fa91267aa00c900", "filename": "files/20160318_95-1013_9ffcb451278c657d5ff307731fa91267aa00c900.html", "images": null }, { "format": "PDF", "encoding": null, "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/95-1013", "sha1": "0027dc6c0576d5a8b6759c4e8cb192e90745b184", "filename": "files/20160318_95-1013_0027dc6c0576d5a8b6759c4e8cb192e90745b184.pdf", "images": null } ], "topics": [ { "source": "IBCList", "id": 282, "name": "Middle East and North Africa" } ] }, { "source": "University of North Texas Libraries Government Documents Department", "sourceLink": "https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc824554/", "id": "95-1013_2015Dec30", "date": "2015-12-30", "retrieved": "2016-04-04T14:48:17", "title": "Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy", "summary": "This report discusses the current state of reform and foreign policy in Bahrain. 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