{
  "id": "98-23",
  "type": "CRS Report",
  "typeId": "REPORTS",
  "number": "98-23",
  "active": false,
  "source": "EveryCRSReport.com",
  "versions": [
    {
      "source": "EveryCRSReport.com",
      "id": 105086,
      "date": "1997-12-23",
      "retrieved": "2016-05-24T20:56:53.265941",
      "title": "Bosnia Options After June 1998: Summary of a CRS/GAO Seminar",
      "summary": "A seminar held on November 6, 1997, cosponsored by the Congressional Research Service\n(CRS)\nand the General Accounting Office (GAO), considered options for the Bosnia peace operation after\nJune 1998, the expiration date of the current NATO operation. On December 18, President Clinton\nannounced his support in principle for a continued NATO presence in Bosnia, including U.S. troops,\nbeyond June 1998. NATO is expected to decide on a post-SFOR force in early 1998. At the\nNovember seminar, speakers reviewed progress to date in implementing the Dayton peace\nagreement, the performance of the NATO Stabilization Force (SFOR), and offered perspectives on\nU.S. and allied interests in Bosnia. This report summarizes some of the presentations and discussion\nthemes from that seminar. \n  Seminar participants agreed on the probable need for an external military presence in Bosnia\nbeyond mid-1998 if a resumption of warfare is to be avoided. Speakers offered different\nperspectives on the achievements to date, but concurred that the peace remained fragile and would\nneed considerably more time to become self-sustaining. The Dayton framework, while flawed, was\nupheld as the only remaining basis for future policy. Many tasks, such as refugee return and police\nreform and restructuring, were thought to require urgent attention. Some speakers highlighted the\nimportance of removing indicted war criminals from their positions of influence. None foresaw an\nearly exit; none addressed military options if SFOR or its successor were to encounter fierce\nresistance by the Bosnian parties.\n  On the future multilateral force, participants speculated that it would remain a NATO force and\nthat the United States would continue to participate with some forces. Perspectives on the suitable\nstructure, mission, and duration of the future force were offered. One speaker presented an outline\nfor moving from a U.S.-led to a European-led force, both under NATO. Another emphasized a focus\non implementation tasks rather than another rigid timeframe for the future force. On the question\nof U.S. interests in Bosnia and the U.S. role, participants presented different viewpoints but cited\nsufficient interests to render a pull-out unlikely and engender a significant U.S. role in Bosnia for\nsome time to come. Speakers differed on the proper extent and scope of the U.S. role. Some pointed\nto the unique deterrent function and key military assets that the United States has brought to the\nNATO operations. They claimed a special U.S. responsibility and commitment to the peace\nagreement, to NATO, and to stability in Europe. Others pointed to other U.S. global commitments\nand the competing costs, in terms of financial resources and military readiness, of a long-term\nmilitary commitment to Bosnia. This perspective emphasized moving toward a greater European\nrole, while working within an existing NATO framework and maintaining a continued supporting\n(but not leading) U.S. role. In contrast, the European allies emphasized their past and existing\ncontributions to peace efforts in Bosnia and the current balance of responsibilities. Public opinion\npolls revealed no pressing current urge from the U.S. public to bring home U.S. troops from Bosnia,\nbut showed a certain ambivalence about the U.S. military role there.",
      "type": "CRS Report",
      "typeId": "REPORTS",
      "active": false,
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          "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/98-23",
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      ],
      "topics": []
    }
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Affairs",
    "National Defense"
  ]
}