{
  "id": "98-633",
  "type": "CRS Report",
  "typeId": "REPORTS",
  "number": "98-633",
  "active": false,
  "source": "EveryCRSReport.com",
  "versions": [
    {
      "source": "EveryCRSReport.com",
      "id": 105185,
      "date": "1998-07-17",
      "retrieved": "2016-05-24T20:53:19.557941",
      "title": "Israeli-Turkish Relations",
      "summary": "Agreements reached in the Arab-Israeli peace process from 1993 until 1995 made relations\nbetween\nIsrael and its Arab and Muslim neighbors more acceptable in the latter circles. Israeli-Turkish ties\nare the most portentous development in this area, and they have not been impeded by subsequent\ndifficulties in the peace process.\n  The main dimension of Turkish-Israeli relations is military. Landmark agreements on military\ncooperation in February 1996 and on military industrial cooperation in April 1996 have produced\nunprecedented military exercises and training, arms sales, and strategic talks. The civilian dimension\nof the new partnership is expanding rapidly, spurred by a 1996 Free Trade Agreement and resulting \nincreases in non-military trade. \n  Israeli-Turkish relations are founded on historical cordiality between Turks and Jews, and are\nmotivated by the self-interest of each side. Turkey had been concerned about what it viewed as\ndetrimental repercussions from a possible Israeli-Syrian peace agreement and wanted to be\nconsulted. It also sought to send a cautionary message to Damascus about its aid to the Kurdistan\nWorkers Party (PKK),which has been waging a guerrilla war in southeast Turkey since 1984, and\nabout unresolved disputes over water and territory. Moreover, Turkey needed a response to\nGreece's policy of encircling it with military agreements, including an unsubstantiated arrangement\nwith Syria. Finally, the Israeli connection enables Turkey to circumvent U.S. and European arms\nembargos and what it believes to be the influence of anti-Turkish ethnic lobbies in Congress. \nPurchase of Israeli arms allows Turkey to avoid the strictures of politically conditioned European\nand U.S. sales, and possibly to mitigate the anti-Turkish policies of governments competing with\nIsrael to sell arms to Turkey. For its part, Israel initially perceived Turkey as a bridge to the Arab\nand Muslim worlds, but also may have wanted to vent its frustrations over what it views as Syria's\nintransigence in peace talks. Israel has found a more lasting commonality with Turkey on anti-\nterrorism and in military and civilian trade.\n  There is only mild domestic dissent in Turkey and Israel over enhanced relations. Some\ngovernments in the region have reacted more forcefully. Syria, viewing itself as the unstated target\nof the new allies, has mobilized Arab and Islamic condemnation, reached out to Baghdad to indicate\npossibilities of a counter-bloc, but eventually opened a dialogue with Turkey. Egypt's reaction has\nbeen moderate in bilateral talks with Ankara, but negative in multilateral Arab and Muslim forums. \nJordan has attended some Turkish-Israeli events, but has pointedly noted that its actions were in\nresponse to invitations from Ankara, not Israel, while the peace talks are stalled. Greek officials and\nsome in Cyprus are concerned that Israeli military and intelligence assistance to Turkey might\neventually be used against them, and direct their criticism to Jerusalem. \n  The U.S. government views Israeli-Turkish relations positively, as contributing to regional\npeace and stability. Possible effects on other U.S. policy priorities in the region are not yet clear. \nThe U.S.-Israeli Free Trade Agreement and the Arms Export Control Act may be implicated in\nindividual Israeli-Turkish deals.",
      "type": "CRS Report",
      "typeId": "REPORTS",
      "active": false,
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          "encoding": null,
          "url": "http://www.crs.gov/Reports/pdf/98-633",
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      "topics": []
    }
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Affairs",
    "Intelligence and National Security",
    "Middle Eastern Affairs",
    "National Defense"
  ]
}